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Exploring Cultural Differences in the Recognition of the Self-Conscious Emotions

• Richard W. Robins

Exploring Cultural Differences in the Recognition of the Self-Conscious Emotions

• Joanne M. Chung,
• Richard W. Robins

x

• Published: August 26, 2015
• https://doi.org/10.1371/periodical.pone.0136411

Figures

Abstruse

Recent research suggests that the self-conscious emotions of embarrassment, shame, and pride take singled-out, nonverbal expressions that tin be recognized in the United States at above-chance levels. However, few studies have examined the recognition of these emotions in other cultures, and little research has been conducted in Asia. Consequently the cantankerous-cultural generalizability of self-conscious emotions has not been firmly established. Additionally, in that location is no research that examines cultural variability in the recognition of the self-witting emotions. Cultural values and exposure to Western civilisation accept been identified as contributors to variability in recognition rates for the bones emotions; nosotros sought to examine this for the cocky-witting emotions using the University of California, Davis Fix of Emotion Expressions (UCDSEE). The present research examined recognition of the self-conscious emotion expressions in South Korean college students and plant that recognition rates were very loftier for pride, low simply to a higher place chance for shame, and near zero for embarrassment. To examine what might be underlying the recognition rates we found in Republic of korea, recognition of self-conscious emotions and several cultural values were examined in a U.South. college pupil sample of European Americans, Asian Americans, and Asian-born individuals. Emotion recognition rates were generally like between the European Americans and Asian Americans, and college than emotion recognition rates for Asian-built-in individuals. These differences were not explained by cultural values in an interpretable mode, suggesting that exposure to Western civilization is a more than of import mediator than values.

Citation: Chung JM, Robins RW (2015) Exploring Cultural Differences in the Recognition of the Self-Conscious Emotions. PLoS I x(8): e0136411. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0136411

Editor: Kim A. Bard, University of Portsmouth, Great britain

Received: November 24, 2014; Accepted: Baronial 4, 2015; Published: August 26, 2015

Copyright: © 2015 Chung, Robins. This is an open up access commodity distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted utilise, distribution, and reproduction in whatsoever medium, provided the original author and source are credited

Data Availability: All relevant data are inside the paper and its Supporting Information files.

Funding: This research was supported past National Institute of Mental Health Predoctoral Fellowship T32-MH2006 to J.M.C. and National Plant on Drug Abuse Grant R01-DA-017902 to R.W.R. The funders had no office in study design, information collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript.

Competing interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Introduction

Darwin argued that emotions evolved to communicate an individual'south needs to conspecifics ("Help me!"), suggesting that every emotion should accept an expressive betoken reflecting its evolutionary origins. Using this provocative claim equally a springboard, researchers have argued that all emotions necessarily accept detached, universally recognized nonverbal expressions (e.g., [ane]). Until recently, this criterion appeared to exist met by but the half dozen bones emotions of anger, cloy, fear, joy, sadness, and surprise [2][3]. Other emotions, including the and so-called "self-conscious" emotions [4], were often dismissed as mere variants, or combinations, of bones emotions (east.1000., shame is a class of sadness).

Self-conscious emotions such as embarrassment, guilt, pride, and shame are unique because they crave self-reflection and cocky-evaluation [five]. Thus, the self-conscious emerge later in development than the bones emotions do [6][seven][8]. They are also cognitively complex [9][10], involving a primary appraisal (eastward.g., "is the outcome relevant to me?"), and a secondary appraisal (e.g., "how does this result brand me feel about who I am?"). The self-witting emotions are key for attaining goals that are social in nature [eleven][12]. The intersection between culture and the self-conscious emotions has been a fruitful area of inquiry because of the part that culture is theorized to play in influencing cocky-concept (due east.g., [thirteen]), and in turn, various aspects of the self-witting emotions. This research shows that at that place is cultural variation in social norms regarding the extent to which self-conscious emotions are valued and expressed [14][12], the ways in which they are used in socialization practices [xv][16], and fifty-fifty how they are experienced [17][18][xix].

Over the past decade and a half, a growing trunk of evidence suggests that embarrassment, shame, and pride might merit inclusion in the pantheon of emotions that have distinct, recognizable nonverbal expressions. Unlike the basic emotions, these self-conscious emotions can only exist recognized when specific body postures and head movements back-trail the facial features of each expression [20][21][22]. Specifically, embarrassment is associated with a downward gaze, lip press, non-Duchenne smile, head oriented to the side, and, at times, a face touch [twenty]; shame, with downward centre gaze, the head titled down, and, at times, a slumped body posture [22]; and pride, with a low intensity, non-Duchenne grinning, an expanded posture with the head tilted back, and the artillery raised higher up the head or akimbo [21].

Evidence that these expressions can exist recognized in the United states of america at above-chance levels is fairly robust [east.yard., [22]), at to the lowest degree in stimuli featuring Western targets. The studies that have examined the recognition of the self-conscious emotions in countries other than the Us suggests that embarrassment can be recognized in India [23]; shame in Burkina Faso [24], India and Japan [23][25]; pride in Burkina Faso [24], Italy [24], and perhaps South Korea [26], although this research was focused on triumph, an emotion that the authors conceptualized as a specific blazon of pride. The recognition rates ranged substantially across cultures and were frequently quite low. For example, in Republic of india, Haidt and Keltner [23] found below-chance recognition (15%) for one commonly studied variant of the shame expression that includes a tongue bite and significant merely quite low recognition for shame expressions with the head and gaze downwardly (20%) and with the face up covered (35%). Similarly, Izard [25] found depression recognition rates in India for shame expressions with the caput and optics lowered and with the head lowered but the eyes looking forward, finding a mean recognition rate of 32%; in Japan, the recognition rates were 41% for these two shame expressions. Finally, in Burkina Faso, Tracy and Robins [24] found a shame recognition rate of 34%, albeit for preliterate individuals with niggling or no exposures to Western media. In addition to the low recognition rates obtained in the extant research (at to the lowest degree for shame), and the small range of cultures studied, there are no studies that have comprehensively studied the self-conscious emotions, and contrasted them to recognition rates for basic emotions. Furthermore, given that Asia is 1 of the largest and most populated regions in the world, farther research regarding emotion recognition in Asian cultures is important.

In general, studies examining the relationship between culture and emotion recognition have found the highest recognition rates for Western samples, and the lowest recognition rates in preliterate, non-Western samples. What might help explain this variability? Researchers accept theorized that information technology may be due to such factors as cultural values or exposure to the civilization in which the expressions were identified. For instance, endorsing sure cultural values might facilitate or interfere with accurate recognition of certain emotion expressions [27]. Additionally, exposure, or having some general knowledge nearly cultural norms regarding emotion expression too equally existence familiar with emotion-relevant facial physiognomy of the poser's ethnic group, may influence the accuracy of emotion recognition [28]. Therefore, examining how either cultural values or exposure might be associated with recognition of the self-conscious emotions is worthwhile.

The present research had several aims. First, we sought to examine emotion recognition of the cocky-conscious emotions that have evidence for nonverbal expressions (i.e., embarrassment, shame, and pride) in an Asian state, South korea (Study 1). To examine emotion recognition, we used the Academy of California, Davis Ready of Emotion Expressions (UCDSEE) [22], a stimulus ready featuring African and Caucasian posers. By using expressions posed by targets that are culturally distinct from that of the individual making the judgment, we hoped to provide a more conservative examination of cross-cultural replication by examining the extent to which an emotion expression can be recognized on a person outside of one's civilization. Second, nosotros sought to examine variability in the recognition of the self-conscious emotions beyond three different cultural groups that vary in their exposure to Western culture: individuals who were born in Asia (currently living in the U.South.), Asian Americans (born and raised in the U.Due south.), and European Americans (born and raised in the U.Due south.) (Study 2). Finally, we tested whether cultural values might assist explain differences in recognition rates across these three samples (Study 2). The present enquiry adds to the emotion recognition literature by examining recognition of the self-conscious emotions in Asia and then exploring factors that may underlie cultural differences in recognition of the self-conscious emotions.

Study one

In Study ane, we examined the extent that individuals who were built-in and raised and currently living in South Korea were able to recognize nonverbal expressions assumed to represent the self-conscious emotions of pride, shame, and embarrassment. We besides examined recognition rates for the basic emotions, to dissimilarity them with recognition rates institute for the cocky-conscious emotions, as well equally with recognition rates constitute for basic emotions in other samples.

Like other E Asian cultures, South Korea is characterized by high endorsement of the cultural values of collectivism, power altitude, incertitude avoidance, and long-term orientation [29]. Endorsement of these values tell u.s. that, on average, South Koreans are interdependent and deeply committed to the group, that status differences are widely accepted and highly consequential in South Korea, that there are rigid social norms for how people should act and feel, and that S Koreans are oriented towards planning for the future [29]. These values are in dissimilarity to those endorsed in the United States [29]. If cultural values influence decoding rules for specific emotion expressions, then the stark differences between the values endorsed in South korea from those endorsed in the United States advise that emotion recognition rates might be mostly different in South Korea.

What might nosotros expect in terms of the recognition of the self-conscious emotions? In the extant literature, researchers have found that nonverbal expressions of positive emotions are more often than not recognized better than those for negative emotions [28][21]. Insofar as pride is considered a positive emotion, it could be that pride might still exist afforded loftier recognition in South korea, and that it might be recognized at college rates than shame and embarrassment. Yet, it could be that cultural norms regarding the display and valuation of these emotions might influence recognition rates. Previous research suggests that in that location are rigid norms against the display of pride in Asian cultures, because pride is seen as undesirable [12], and socially disengaging, or disruptive to the cohesion of the group. Furthermore, other research indicates that shame is valued, discussed more, and seen as socially engaging in Asian cultures relative to Western ones [30][31]. Regarding embarrassment, researchers have reasoned that information technology is often expressed in reaction to a relatively inconsequential social wrongdoing, and serves an affiliative, appeasement part [20]. Put this way, embarrassment could also be considered to be a socially engaging emotion [30], and one that might be experienced more within South Korean culture, due to its hierarchical and collectivistic nature. Taken together, the literature suggests that within a South Korean sample, we might expect pride to be recognized more than than shame and embarrassment. Additionally, while we expect that recognition rates for pride will be lower than those previously documented in research focused on Western cultures, we might expect that recognition rates for shame and embarrassment to exist higher.

Method

Participants.

Lxxx academy students (22% women) ranging in historic period from 21 to 33 years (Mdn = 25 years) were recruited at Korea Academy in S Korea. Each participant was paid 5000 won, equivalent to $4.50 USD.

Stimuli.

To assess emotion recognition, we used the University of California, Davis Ready of Emotion Expressions (UCDSEE [22]), a stimulus fix that includes FACS-verified versions of 3 self-conscious emotion expressions—pride, shame, and embarrassment—as well as the basic emotions of anger, disgust, fear, happiness, sadness and surprise. The UCDSEE includes iv expressions of anger, disgust, fearfulness, happiness, sadness, shame, and surprise; 7 expressions of embarrassment (4 with no face touch on, 3 with a face up impact); and 8 expressions of pride (4 with artillery akimbo, iv with arms raised). The UCDSEE features 4 expressors: an African male, an African female, a Caucasian male person and a Caucasian female person. For each photograph, participants were asked to "decide which emotion, if whatsoever, you think is being expressed by the person in the photo. Delight CIRCLE the emotion that all-time matches the emotion expressed by the person in the photo." The response options were: acrimony, cloy, embarrassment, fearfulness, happiness, pride, sadness, shame, surprise, no emotion, and other (please specify). The "no emotion" and "other" options allowed participants to respond in an open-ended way, which addresses concerns about the forced-choice format [32][33].

Process.

The task was given in pencil-and-newspaper format. Participants individually viewed the stimuli (v ten 7 color photographs) in a randomized order. Participants then completed the emotion judgments using a rating form. The rating course was translated into Korean past a team of professional person translators from Korea University. The translations were confirmed using an iterative process of translating and back-translating until the team had reached consensus. Every bit in many languages, pride has two translations in the Korean linguistic communication, jarangseureoum (with a neutral or positive valence), and jaman (negatively valenced). Thus, the rating form included 12 response options, and both jarangseureoum and jaman were considered right for expressions of pride. Later participants completed the emotion judgment task, they answered several items assessing demographics.

Before the data were analyzed, three bilingual coders examined the open-ended responses to decide whether any could be categorized into the existing emotion response options. The open-ended responses were only categorized when the coders were able to consensually assign the open-ended words to existing categories, which typically occurred when the open up-concluded responses were straight synonyms of the emotion category. The classification of the open up-ended responses increased the recognition rates by less than 4% for all emotions except embarrassment. For embarrassment expressions, classifying sujubeum, which means bashful or shy, as a correct response increased the recognition rate by half dozen.8%.

Results

Recognition of the basic emotions.

Fig 1 shows mean recognition rates (averaged across posers) for emotion expressions of anger, disgust, fearfulness, happiness, sadness, and surprise, likewise as for the average across these expressions. The highest recognition rate was found for happiness, followed past surprise, sadness, anger, disgust and then fear. Based on binomial tests with take chances set at 11%, the recognition rates for all of the basic emotions were significantly greater than chance (ps < .05), indicating that the nonverbal expressions for the basic emotions were cross-culturally recognized in our South Korean sample.

To amend understand which emotion labels were being confused with emotion expressions and vice versa, we computed imitation alarm rates for each emotion expression. Every bit Table 1 shows, happiness and sadness were oft confused for pride and shame, respectively, acrimony and disgust were frequently dislocated with each other, and fear was often confused with several different emotions.

Recognition of the cocky-witting emotions.

Fig 2 shows hateful recognition rates (averaged across posers) for emotion expressions of embarrassment, pride, and shame, also every bit the average across these expressions. The highest recognition charge per unit was found for pride, followed by shame, and then embarrassment. Based on binomial tests with gamble fix at xi% (based on the number of distinct emotion categories), the recognition rates for pride and shame were significantly greater than hazard (ps < .05), only non for embarrassment, indicating that the nonverbal expressions of pride and shame were cross-culturally recognized in our South Korean sample, but that embarrassment was non. We likewise conducted binomial tests using the more stringent charge per unit of 25%, a rate proposed by critics of forced-choice recognition studies who take argued that participants cull from iv true emotion options defined by the two orthogonal dimensions of arousal and valence [33], suggesting a "true" adventure guessing rate of 25%. Using this more stringent hazard rate, the recognition rate for fear was no longer significantly greater than chance.

Recalling that there are two differently valenced words for pride in the Korean language, we examined the extent to which each response category was used for each pride photo, shown in Tabular array two. In full general, the neutral or positively valenced word for pride, jarangseureoum, was called more than often every bit a response selection than the negatively valenced discussion, jaman, with the exception of the expression posed past the Caucasian female with artillery akimbo, indicating that when our Korean participants were looking at a pride expression, they were more likely to perceive it every bit a positive display of pride than a negative display of pride. The mean recognition rate for pride with arms akimbo (92%) differed significantly from the mean recognition rate for pride with arms raised (82%), t(79) = 3.71, and both recognition rates were significantly greater than adventure, p < .05, suggesting that our Korean participants were more than likely to judge nonverbal expressions of pride as such when the poser's arms were akimbo. To examine whether emotion recognition rates of pride and embarrassment differed by photograph, we ran repeated measures ANOVAs, entering photo every bit the independent variable, and emotion recognition rates as the dependent variable. For pride, the upshot of photograph was significant, F(7, 553) = seven.72, p < .001, η _p ^two = .09, indicating that recognition rates varied past photograph (See Tabular array 1 for hit rates for each photograph). We conducted post-hoc pairwise comparisons using a Bonferroni correction, and found that recognition of the expression posed by the African male person, with arms raised, was significantly dissimilar from that of the other photographs, with the exception of the expression posed past the Caucasian female, with arms raised. For embarrassment, the effect of photo was non pregnant, F(vi, 474) = i.72, ns, η _p ⁱⁱ = .02, indicating that recognition rates did non significantly vary by photo.

The mean recognition charge per unit for embarrassment expressions with a face up affect (15%) did not differ significantly from the mean recognition rate for embarrassment expressions without a confront touch (9%), t(79) = -1.92, ns, and neither recognition charge per unit was significantly greater than run a risk, p > .05, indicating that regardless of the posturing of the trunk, expressions of embarrassment were not recognized well.

To meliorate understand which emotion labels were existence dislocated with emotion expressions and vice versa, nosotros computed false alarm rates for each emotion expression. Equally Table iii shows, pride and shame were oft dislocated for happiness and sadness, respectively, and embarrassment was often confused with several different emotions.

Examining differences in recognition rates.

Recognition rates across the basic emotions (Grand = 82%) were significantly higher than recognition rates across the the cocky-conscious emotions (M = 70%), t(482) = 15.13, p < .05. Overall recognition rates, averaged across all emotions, did not differ significantly for male (Thousand = 51%) versus female (M = l%) participants, t(63) = -.32, ns. In addition, expressions posed by Caucasian American targets (Thou = 55%) were recognized at similar rates as expressions posed by African targets (M = 54%), t(79) = -.77, ns. Nevertheless, nosotros did find a small gender issue for the poser; expressions posed by female person targets (M = 56%) were better recognized than expressions posed by male targets (K = 52%), t(79) = three.07, p < .05. Annotation, however, that this effects is quite small and could simply reverberate the idiosyncrasies of the iv posers used to create the UCDSEE stimuli, rather than generalizable differences in the degree to which expressions posed by men vs. women can be accurately recognized.

Word

In Written report one, we examined recognition of the cocky-conscious emotions, also every bit of the bones emotions, in South korea. Several findings are noteworthy, and in some cases support the extant literature and in other cases raise questions well-nigh the prevailing view.

First, the findings provide boosted evidence that the pride expression can be recognized cantankerous-culturally. Despite the Asian emphasis on modesty and social norms confronting overt displays of pride [12], which probable lead to frequent regulation of the expression, we found that the pride recognition charge per unit in South Korea was comparable to what has been previously found in the United States and Italy [24], and that it had the highest recognition rates, surpassing happiness, which is in contrast from what has been found in other cultures. Although Tracy and Robins' [24] study of culturally isolated, preliterate individuals in Burkina Faso provides compelling evidence for the universality of the pride expression, showing that it is also recognized in Asia is important, especially because the emotion recognition process, as well as the self-evaluative processes that elicit pride, are assumed to be somewhat unique.

Second, the results suggest that the shame expression can be recognized at in a higher place-chance levels, but at quite depression rates (33% in the present written report), peculiarly when contrasted to those establish in the Us [20][22]. One interpretation of the overall pattern of findings, in both the present and previous studies, is that shame does not accept an entirely distinct cross-culturally recognized expression. That is, although the presumed shame expression (and its assorted variants) clearly connotes something about shame (as evidenced by the above-risk recognition found in virtually studies), it may lack strong discriminant validity. Consistent with this interpretation, shame expressions were just as likely to be labeled sadness as shame in South Korea, India [23], and Burkina Faso [24]. An alternative explanation is that shame recognition is low in highly collectivistic cultures like South Korea, Bharat, and Burkina Faso because the expression is so frequently regulated that it gets expressed in myriad, complex ways, making it difficult for members of these civilization to discern the underlying prototypical expression. Further enquiry is needed to tease autonomously these possibilities.

3rd, in contrast to previous research in the United states of america [20][22], we failed to notice significant recognition for the expression of embarrassment. Notwithstanding, the low recognition rate may reflect a cross-cultural difference in the emotion dictionary. Specifically, in both Korean and Oriya (the Indian language studied by Haidt and Keltner [23]), there is no single word for the emotional land of embarrassment, merely rather a set of words that are loosely associated with embarrassment, shame, shyness, modesty, humility, and related concepts. Consequently, in these cultures, the mapping of the nonverbal expression onto the emotion label may not be as articulate-cutting as in the United States and other English-speaking cultures, where in that location is a single discussion that refers to a distinct emotional state. Thus, the low recognition rate for embarrassment may reflect the fact that the Korean translation of embarrassment encompasses a heterogeneous range of experiences, values, and tendencies that do not have clear nonverbal expressions (e.g., humility). Consistent with this interpretation, participants in the present study generated a wide range of open-ended responses to the embarrassment photos. We coded the response of sujubeum (shy/bashful) as correct, just some other mutual response, buggeureoum, was non counted as correct considering it tin hateful both embarrassment and shame (although information technology was exclusively used in response to embarrassment expressions). When we counted buggeureoum as a right response, the recognition rate for embarrassment reached 25%, which is yet quite depression but in a higher place chance, p < .05.

Fourth, Written report 1 provides support for the cross-cultural validity of the UCDSEE, but with some caveats. Recognition rates for the basic emotions were generally lower than take been previously found in the United States and higher than recognition rates found in Burkina Faso [24][22]. Interestingly, the recognition rates for fear and disgust were comparable to those previously establish in Burkina Faso, which is surprising given that we would wait South Korean college students, with some exposure to Western media (and therefore to displays of the emotion expressions), to evidence higher recognition rates than the more culturally isolated Burkinabe. It is not clear whether the low recognition rates for these 2 emotions reflect limitations of the UCDSEE stimuli (i.east., that the Caucasian American and African actors were clearly of unlike cultural backgrounds than the participants) or a more general inability of S Korean participants to recognize fear and disgust in posed expressions developed in the United States. However, it is important to notation that these findings are consistent with previous inquiry in Eastward Asian cultures; Matsumoto [27] constitute that Japanese participants were worse than their American counterparts at recognizing fearfulness and disgust. Although the low recognition rates for fear and disgust held for both Caucasian and African targets, it would be interesting to examine whether using Asian targets would yield higher recognition rates as a result of an in-group reward (e.1000., [28]).

In summary, Written report i contributes to the literature on the cross-cultural recognition of self-conscious emotions past examining them within South korea, and finding evidence for cross-cultural recognition of pride and shame, simply not embarrassment.

Study 2

Because the primary aim of Report 1 was to examine recognition of nonverbal expressions for the self-conscious emotions within Southward Korea, we did not assess cultural variables. Still, the findings from Written report i enhance the question of how culture might influence the recognition of self-witting emotions. As a first footstep, we compare recognition rates in three groups of participants. Considering nosotros are peculiarly interested in Asian culture (given that Study 1 was conducted in Southward Korea), nosotros focus on three cultural groups within the U.S.—Asian-born individuals currently living in the U.S. (i.e., individuals who had immigrated to the U.S., or were currently in the U.S. to nourish college), Asian Americans who were built-in and raised in the U.Due south. (i.e., 2nd generation and later individuals), and European Americans who were born and raised in the U.S. We expected the Asian-born group to have the lowest overall emotion recognition rates and the European American group to accept the greatest overall emotion recognition rates. Additionally, considering the primary distinction between the self-witting emotions and the basic emotions is that they necessarily involve cocky-evaluation of one's deportment or characteristics in reference to socio-cultural norms [21], we expected recognition rates for self-conscious emotions to vary more than than has been shown for the recognition rates for basic emotions, to the extent that cocky-evaluative processes vary according to cultural background [xiii] even inside the U.S. [35].

Cultural values—the behavior that people take about how to think, feel, and collaborate with others—have been discussed as a possible explanation for cultural variability in emotion recognition rates. Matsumoto [36] institute that a Japanese sample had lower recognition rates than an American sample for the negative emotions of fear, anger, and disgust, suggested that this may be due to the cultural emphasis of the Japanese on collectivism and power distance, theorizing that this was due to unwillingness to perceive emotions that might be disruptive to group cohesion and rigid norms. Matsumoto [27] later found that variability in emotion recognition rates across several countries was associated with cultural dimensions. Specifically, he constitute that recognition of anger, disgust, and fear was negatively associated with the dimension of power distance, and recognition of anger, fear, and sadness was positively associated with the dimension of individualism [27]. This suggests that recognition of negative emotions varies with cultural values; the more hierarchical or collectivistic a civilization is, the less the expressions of negative emotions might be recognized. To examine cultural values, we assessed the extent to which individuals endorsed cultural values that have been identified as being important to Asian cultures, such equally collectivism, conformity to norms, emotional self-control, family recognition through achievement, humility, and loss of face [37][38]. We expected that our iii cultural groups might differ in their degree of endorsement of Asian cultural values, with Asian-born individuals showing the highest endorsement of Asian values and European Americans showing the least. To the extent that the groups inside our U.S. sample might differentially endorse Asian cultural values, we expected that those who were more endorsing of these values might also demonstrate lower recognition for the negative emotions than those were less endorsing of these values, and phone call this the Cultural Value Hypothesis. For the Cultural Values Hypothesis to be supported, all three groups should bear witness significantly different recognition rates, with the Asian-built-in individuals endorsing these values the nearly, and the European Americans endorsing them the least, and these group differences should exist explained by grouping differences in cultural values; that is, cultural values should entirely explain abroad the group differences. Regarding which values might contribute to grouping differences, nosotros were most interested in examining how collectivism and conformity to norms might contribute to variability in emotion recognition rates, specifically for the negative emotions (i.east., the self-conscious emotions of embarrassment and shame, and the basic emotions of anger, disgust, fear, and sadness), based on previous research [36][27]. The contribution of the cultural values of emotional control, family unit recognition through achievement, humility, and loss of face were examined in an exploratory manner. Moreover, in line with our reasoning apropos the implications that culture has for the self (e.yard., if culture profoundly influences self-concept [thirteen], then possibly the self-conscious emotions are more than culturally variable than the basic emotions are), we might expect that cultural values might exist specially relevant in accounting for cultural variability in the recognition rates for the self-witting emotions, and thus explicate more than variance, relative to recognition rates for the bones emotions.

In addition to cultural values, exposure to the culture in which a stimulus set is derived has been found to lead to higher emotion recognition rates. In a meta-analysis examining culture and emotion recognition variability, Elfenbein and Ambady [28] found that emotion recognition rates were higher when participants judged expressions posed by members of their own cultural group, or cultural groups with which they had considerable exposure to. For case, European and American participants showed college recognition rates than Asian or African participants for stimuli featuring American expressors (e.thou., [39] and [25]). Similarly, Ethiopian participants who were more than exposed to Western culture had higher emotion recognition rates than those who were less so [40]. The UCDSEE was derived in North America and features targets that are representative of two mutual racial groups, Caucasian and African, in the West. Thus, we might expect that those more than exposed to Western cultural norms and people (i.e., the European Americans and Asian Americans in our sample) would have higher emotion recognition rates than those who are less so (i.e., the Asian-born individuals in our sample), and refer to this as the Exposure Hypothesis. For the Exposure Hypothesis to be supported, then the Asian-born individuals in our sample should prove lower recognition rates than the Asian American and European-American individuals, simply the latter ii groups should not differ from each other (because they were both built-in and raised in the United states of america and presumably do non differ in exposure to Western culture); moreover, variability in cultural values, either between- or within-groups, should not exist linked to group or individual variability in emotion recognition.

Study 2 sought to examine groups that would show variability in their emotion recognition rates, exposure to Western culture, and endorsement of Asian cultural values. As in Study 1, we used the UCDSEE [22]. We tested a variety of cultural variables to examine what factors might help to explain cultural variability in emotion recognition rates. Therefore, Report ii contributes to the emotion recognition literature by examining cultural variability in the recognition of self-witting emotions within the The states, and past examining cultural factors that may underlie cultural differences in emotion recognition of the cocky-witting emotions.

Method

Participants.

4-hundred and fourscore-ii academy students (65% women) ranging in age from xviii to 38 years (Mdn = xix years) were recruited from the Psychology subject pool at the Academy of California, Davis, and included undergraduate students enrolled in both introductory and advanced courses. Each participant received i course credit corresponding to 1 hour of participation. Participants self-reported their ethnic groundwork and where they were born and raised. For the nowadays report, participants were categorized equally European American (N = 195), Asian American (North = 191), and Asian-built-in (N = 96). Participants were categorized every bit existence European American and Asian American if they self-reported being born and raised in the United States. European Americans cocky-reported their ethnicity as Caucasian, and Asian Americans self-reported their ethnicity every bit Asian. Asian-born participants reported being born and raised in an Asian state, and who reported their ethnicity every bit Asian (Meet Table 1 in the S1 Appendix for more than detailed demographic information on this group). The three groups did non differ in the proportion of men and women, χ²(two, N = 481) = .03, ns.

Stimuli.

As in Written report i, nosotros used the UCDSEE [22], which includes 47 FACS-verified expressions of anger, disgust, embarrassment, fear, happiness, pride, sadness, shame, and surprise. The instructions were the same equally in Study ane, except that nosotros added "guilt" as a response option. Run across Table 4 for ways and standard deviations.

Measures of Cultural Variables.

Asian American Values Scale—Multidimensional (AAVS-M [37]). Asian cultural values refer to behavior that are socially desirable and normative in Asian cultural contexts. Asian-born individuals endorse these values more strongly than Asian Americans who are several generations removed from clearing. The AAVS-M assesses 5 types of cultural values identified to be salient inside Asian contexts, and consists of 42 items with a 7-point response scale ranging from i (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree) that measure 5 value dimensions: collectivism ("The welfare of the group should exist put before that of the individual."), conformity to norms ("1 should not do something that is outside of the norm."), emotional self-control ("Information technology is more important to behave accordingly than to deed on what ane is feeling."), family recognition through accomplishment ("Failing academically brings shame to i'south family."), and humility ("Ane should non sing 1's own praises.").

Loss of Face Scale (LOFS [38]). Loss of face is the tendency to exist concerned with preventing the loss of a positive impression others have of that individual. Loss of confront has been identified every bit central to social interactions in Asian cultural contexts. The LOFS consists of 21 items with a 7-point response scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). An example item is, "I advisedly scout others' deportment before I do anything."

See Table 5 for means, standard deviations, and coefficient alphas, and Table two in the Appendix for intercorrelations amid the cultural variables.

Procedure.

The chore was given in online questionnaire format. Participants individually viewed the UCDSEE stimuli and completed the emotion judgments in online questionnaire format. Participants so completed the AAVS-M, and LOFS. Participants then answered several items assessing demographics.

Results

Recognition of the basic emotions.

Fig iii shows mean recognition rates (averaged beyond posers) for the basic emotion expressions of anger, disgust, fear, happiness, sadness, surprise, equally well as the average across these emotions. Across groups, the highest recognition rates were plant for happiness, followed by surprise, anger, cloy, sadness, and so fright. The recognition rates in the total sample were significantly greater than chance for all emotions (p < .05), based on binomial tests with chance set at 8% (based on the number of distinct emotion categories). Equally in Written report one, we besides conducted binomial tests using the more stringent rate of 25%, finding that the recognition rate for shame was no longer significantly greater than chance for Asian-born participants. In that location were significant effects of grouping on emotion recognition rates. Equally Table 6 shows, regarding expressions of the bones emotions, there were differences amongst all three groups in the recognition of disgust; differences between the American groups and Asian-built-in grouping in the recognition of anger, happiness, and sadness; and in that location were differences betwixt the European American and Asian groups (Asian American and Asian-built-in grouping) in the recognition of fright. There were no differences among the groups in the recognition of surprise.

Recognition of the self-witting emotions.

Fig 4 shows mean recognition rates (averaged across posers) for the self-conscious emotion expressions of embarrassment, pride, and shame, every bit well as the average across these expressions. Beyond groups, the highest recognition rates were found for pride, followed past embarrassment, and then shame. Like to the results for the basic emotions, the recognition rates in the total sample were significantly greater than take a chance for all emotions (p < .05), and there were meaning furnishings of group on emotion recognition rates. Equally Tabular array 7 shows, regarding expressions of the cocky-witting emotions of embarrassment, pride, and shame, the American groups (i.due east., European Americans and Asian Americans) had higher emotion recognition rates than the Asian-born group.

Fig 4. Mean Recognition Rates for the Self-Witting Emotions in U.S. Sample.

Due north = 482. Different letters announce pregnant differences in emotion recognition rates. Standard mistake bars are shown.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0136411.g004

Group differences in cultural values.

In that location were also significant furnishings of group on cultural values. In full general, the effects were in the expected directions. As Tabular array 8 shows, the Asian-built-in group endorsed conformity to norms and emotional cocky-control more than Asian Americans, who in turn endorsed these values more than than the European Americans. The Asian groups endorsed collectivism and family recognition through accomplishment more the European Americans; there were no differences between Asian Americans and the Asian-born group. Contrary to our predictions, at that place were no significant differences among the groups on humility. Asian Americans reported being more concerned with loss of face than both the European Americans and the Asian-born group; at that place were no differences between the European Americans and the Asian-born group.

Exploring the contribution of cultural values to group differences in emotion recognition rates.

To examine whether the cultural values might exist contributing to the variability we found in emotion recognition rates, nosotros ran a serial of hierarchical regressions, inbound each of the cultural variables (separately for each variable) in the get-go stride, and then cultural grouping in the second step, with emotion recognition rates (separately for each emotion) as the outcome. We tested the following recognition rates for the self-witting emotions: pride, shame, embarrassment, and the average of these; we tested the following recognition rates for the basic emotions: happiness, sadness, anger, cloy, fright, happiness, and the boilerplate of these. The cultural values tested were: collectivism, conformity to norms, emotional self-control, family recognition through accomplishment, and loss of face. Considering we did non find significant grouping differences in the recognition of surprise and in endorsement of humility, we did non examine them further.

When looked at separately, the cultural variables of collectivism, conformity to norms, emotional self-control, family recognition through achievement, and loss of confront did not eliminate group differences in emotion recognition rates for the basic emotions, nor for the self-witting emotions, every bit shown in Tables 3 and iv in the Appendix. To test whether the cultural values combined might contribute to differences in emotion recognition, we entered collectivism, conformity to norms, emotional-self-control, family recognition through achievement, and loss of face as simultaneous covariates (equally shown in Tables nine and ten), and nosotros found that the differences between the European Americans and Asian groups were no longer significant for the recognition of pride. We and so looked at alter in variance explained from Step 1 to Step two to gauge the contribution of cultural values relative to that of cultural grouping, and plant that in general, variability in emotion recognition was not essentially explained by cultural values, relative to that was explained by cultural grouping. Regarding the basic emotions, change in variance explained from Step 1 to Step 2 increased by at least two times for anger, cloy, and fear. In that location were no pregnant furnishings of cultural variables on recognition rates for happiness and sadness, although the variance explained increased twice every bit much when the grouping variable was entered into the model. Regarding the self-conscious emotions, modify in variance explained from Step ane to Footstep 2 increased past at least three times, with the exception of pride.

Table 10. Hierarchical Regressions on Recognition of the Self-Witting Emotions for U.S. Sample with All Cultural Variables Entered in the Starting time Footstep, and Cultural Grouping Entered in the Second Step.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0136411.t010

Discussion

Report 2 replicates and extends previous literature on the recognition of the self-conscious emotions and on endorsement of Asian cultural values. Report 2 also examines the explanatory role of cultural values in the recognition of the self-witting emotions. Several findings are particularly noteworthy.

Kickoff, the findings replicate previous research on the recognition of the self-witting emotions, and too, advise that even inside the United States, that in that location is cultural variability in the recognition of both the basic and self-witting emotions. Regarding the bones emotions, the group differences in recognition rates for anger and happiness were similar to those found for the cocky-conscious emotions. For the recognition of disgust, European Americans had higher recognition rates than Asian Americans, who in turn had higher recognition rates than Asian-born individuals. For fear, European Americans had college recognition rates than Asian Americans, who had similar recognition rates to the Asian-born individuals. Yet, we establish no grouping differences in recognition of the expression of surprise. Regarding the self-conscious emotions, European Americans and Asian Americans showed similar and college recognition rates than Asian-born individuals.

Second, the findings also replicate previous research on Asian cultural values within the The states [41][37]. We plant that cultural values of conformity to norms and emotional cocky control were endorsed the most past Asian-born individuals, and then by Asian Americans, and least past European Americans; cultural values of collectivism and family unit recognition through achievement were endorsed the most and similarly by Asian-born participants and Asian Americans, and least past European Americans. However, we did not detect differences in humility, and the differences establish for loss of confront were counter to previous theory and research [38]. We found that Asian Americans were highest in confront concerns, while Asian-born individuals and European Americans were less so and similar to each other. Nosotros would expect that the Asian-born individuals would be most concerned with loss of confront, just it could be that this deviation might speak to something unique almost the Asian-built-in individuals in our sample.

Tertiary, although in full general, we found significant variability in the cultural values we measured, we found that they only fully explained group differences in recognition of pride, and this was due collectively from differential endorsement of the cultural values of collectivism, conformity to norms, emotional self-control, and family recognition through accomplishment for recognition of pride. When we looked to variance explained for a more than nuanced explanation, we establish that cultural variables deemed for far less variance on their own in comparison to when grouping effects were also considered, with the exception of pride. While these results are interesting and informative, they practice not conspicuously support the Cultural Values Hypothesis. 1 possibility is that nosotros measured cultural values using measures of actual self-importance (i.east., how personally important the value is to a member of a cultural group) rather than measures of perceived cultural importance (i.east., how of import the value is believed to be to the culture) [42]. Hereafter research is recommended to examine whether measures of perceived cultural importance might explicate more than what the present inquiry has found.

Quaternary, nosotros institute indirect show for the Exposure Hypothesis, which would look that emotion recognition rates would be variable depending on exposure to Western culture. Therefore, nosotros expected that there would exist no differences in emotion recognition rates between the European Americans and Asian Americans, because their level of exposure would be the same; we expected at that place to exist significant differences in emotion recognition rates between the 2 American groups and the Asian-born group, expecting lower recognition rates for Asian-born individuals because of lower exposure to Western culture. In general, our results were consistent with the Exposure Hypothesis. Differences in emotion recognition were similar between the European American and Asian American groups, and higher than those for Asian-born individuals for recognition of the basic emotions of anger and happiness, and for the self-conscious emotions of embarrassment, pride, and shame (i.e., 5 of eight of the emotions whose recognition rates were different across groups).

In summary, Study 2 contributes to the small literature on the recognition of self-conscious emotions by not but replicating and extending previous findings, but also exploring how cultural values and exposure to Western civilisation might explain differences in emotion recognition.

General Word

Previous inquiry suggests that the self-conscious emotions of embarrassment, shame, and pride accept distinct, nonverbal expressions that can exist recognized in the United States at above-chance levels. However, few studies have examined the recognition of these emotions in Asia. Study one examined recognition of the self-conscious emotion expressions in South Korea and found that recognition rates were very high for pride, low but higher up chance for shame, and near zero for embarrassment. Beyond a range of basic and self-witting emotions, our sample of South Koreans showed lower recognition rates to rates previously establish in the U.Southward., but were comparable to non-Western cultures that accept been previously studied.

Written report two sought to examine what might help us understand the relatively low recognition rates nosotros found in South Korea. Such factors as exposure to Western civilization and cultural values accept been identified every bit possible contributors to cultural variability in recognition rates for the basic emotions. Recognition of basic emotions, self-witting emotions, and endorsement of several cultural values were examined in a sample of U.S. college students that differed both in exposure to Western civilization and endorsement of Asian cultural values (i.east., European American, Asian American, and Asian-born individuals). Emotion recognition rates were largely similar between the European Americans and Asian Americans and higher than for the Asian-born individuals. We reasoned that cultural values might explain differences in the recognition of the self-conscious emotions for these groups because of previous theorizing, prior inquiry, and findings from the nowadays research that there were cultural differences in both emotion recognition rates and endorsement of cultural values. Nosotros constitute that differences in emotion recognition for pride were no longer statistically meaning when nosotros accounted for variability in cultural values, and that some variance was explained by cultural values, but the bulk of the variability in recognition rates was explained past group differences. While these findings are interesting, these findings do non neatly reflect previous theorizing and research.

The most parsimonious explanation we can generate from the present research is that it is exposure to Western civilization, and non cultural values that are driving differences in recognition of the self-conscious emotions. The primary evidence for this is our finding that emotion recognition rates were like between the European American and Asian American groups, but higher than for the Asian-born participants. We too found low recognition rates beyond emotion expressions in S Korea, which, when contrasted to the rates in our U.S. sample, more often than not support the Exposure Hypothesis.

Limitations and future directions

The present inquiry was not without limitation. Showtime, although it was not the chief aim of Report i to exercise so, nosotros did non measure cultural variables in South korea, which did not allow us to examine potential variability within the South Korean sample, besides as betwixt countries (e.g., between our South Korean and American samples) that would assistance to explain emotion recognition rates. We encourage future research assessing culture proxies.

2d, although Report ii was intended to look at potential explanations of what might be contributing to the lower recognition rates we generally constitute in Republic of korea, we did non examine other countries in Asia, and inside our U.S. sample, nosotros did not differentiate among diverse Asian ethnic groups due to inadequate sample sizes. Both of these issues limit the generality of our findings. Although we examined South korea because information technology is an Asian culture, we cannot assume that our findings generalize to all Asian cultures, as others have argued [43]. Furthermore, nosotros are unsure of how representative the contempo immigrants from Asia in our U.Southward. sample are, as there might be something unique to this group that we did non measure and that might influence their emotion recognition rates. Relatedly, it is important translate the findings from both studies nether the caveat that our samples consisted solely of university students, raising the possibility that nosotros might have found very different emotion recognition rates if we had conducted the study inside community samples. We encourage futurity research that examines emotion recognition of the self-conscious emotions beyond a range of Asian cultures, Asian ethnicities inside U.Due south. samples, and in non-university samples.

3rd, we were unable to study factors such as the ingroup advantage, and cultural differences in knowledge. One of the reasons for not testing the ingroup advantage was that we did not take a stimulus set of nonverbal expressions that had Asian posers expressing pride, shame, and embarrassment. Additionally, several recent studies suggest that the Eastward Asian perceivers may show distinct differences in the way they recognize emotions; for case, they rely more on social contextual cues [44], may focus more on the eyes (rather than the eyes and oral fissure as their Western counterparts do) when judging emotion expressions [45], and are more attuned to vocal cues in the presence of incongruent facial expressions [46]. Future research should examine how these factors might chronicle to the recognition to the cocky-witting emotions.

Quaternary, our findings suggest that exposure to Western culture may be explaining cultural differences in emotion recognition rates and this interpretation is consistent with previous literature [28]. One suggestion for time to come inquiry is to examine expressions of emotion posed past Asian expressers from existing sets on Asian participants of varying levels of acculturation (e.g., Montreal Set of Facial Displays of Emotion [47]; Japanese and Caucasian Facial Expressions of Emotion [48]). By using a stimulus gear up that has Asian posers, exposure to North American civilisation tin can be contrasted to exposure to targets. Intriguingly, a recent report examining emotion recognition accuracy among Caucasian Australians, Chinese Australians, and Mainland Chinese found that acculturation into Australian culture contributed modestly to differences in emotion recognition rates for expressions posed past Caucasians [49], but exposure (i.eastward., length of time in Australia) did non, suggesting that increased date with Australian culture was associated with higher accuracy. However, in another recent study [50], researchers found that greater frequency of emotion expression (i.due east., how often the emotion expression was encountered in daily life) was strongly and positively associated with emotion recognition accurateness, suggesting that exposure to the bodily expression itself is integral to accuracy. Further research is needed to examine these bug.

Determination

Overall, the present findings provide insights into the cantankerous-cultural recognition of the cocky-conscious emotions of pride, shame, and embarrassment. Nosotros found farther bear witness for the cross-cultural generality of the nonverbal expressions of pride and shame in South korea. We then replicated these findings in an U.South. college student sample that included contempo immigrants from Asia, Asian Americans, and European Americans, and establish pregnant variability in recognition of the cocky-conscious and basic emotions across these groups. These differences in emotion recognition rates did not disappear in a meaningful way when decision-making for cultural values, suggesting that exposure to Western culture is a more important for emotion recognition than values.

Ideals statement

Approval for this research was obtained from the Institutional Review Board at the Academy of California, Davis. Participation was voluntary, and written consent was obtained before the study began.

Supporting Information

Acknowledgments

We would similar to thank David Chung and Min Young Cho for their assistance with translation of the materials.

Author Contributions

Conceived and designed the experiments: JMC RWR. Performed the experiments: JMC. Analyzed the information: JMC. Contributed reagents/materials/analysis tools: JMC RWR. Wrote the paper: JMC RWR.

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